ASUR / BIR ASUR

   ASUR  / BIR  ASUR   

A community of Bihar, they claim to be the descendants of the ancient people of that name who were associated with the art of working in metals and were the makers of metal relics discovered from the Asur sites in Chotanagpur  (Leuva,  1963).  Risley  (1891)  has described them as a small non- Aryan tribe who lived almost entirely by iron-smelting.  The records refer to them as the ancestors of t he contemporary aboriginal tribes of Orissa, central India and Chotanagpur (Leuva, 1963).  They live in the Gumla and Lohardaga districts of the Chotanagpur plateau of Bihar.  Their population in that state,  according to the 1981 census, is 7783, almost 97 per cent of which is returned from rural areas.  They speak in the Asuri language at home which belongs to the Austro-Asiatic family of languages but they are also coversant with Hindi and Sadri.  The Devanagri script is used.

                                                     They are short-statured,  dolichocephalic, with medium nasal and facial profiles.  In Manbhum district,  according to Dutta and Gupta (1967), the Asur show a preponderance of loops (63 per cent) over whorls  (36 per cent).  In a small sample from the Asurs, Sarkar (1949) found a very low incidence of blood group  B (2.4 per cent).  The Asur are non vegetarians who eat pork and their staple diet consists of wheat, rice, jowar and maize which are supplemented with various types of pulses like urad, tur and kulthi.  The cooking medium is mustard oil, dori and sarguja oil.  They also eat roots and tubers.   Tea is a common drink while rice beer (haria) and distilled liquor  (daru) are drunk only by the men.  Smoking is uncommon, though the men chew tobacco ( khaini).  They also consume milk products.

                                                             According to Risley, the Asur were also referred to as Agoria and Lohra and they used Majhi and Parja as titles.  Risley has identified subtribes like the Agaria, Birjia, Kolh- Asur, Lohra-Asur and Paharia-Asur among the Asurs; he has listed them with a number of septs such as Aind (eel), Baroa (Wild cat), Basriar  (bamboo), Beliar (bel fruit), Kachchhua  (tortoise),  Kai, Hawar (kaitha), Kerketa (bird),  Mukruar (spider),  Nag (snake),  Rote  (frog),  Sair (jackal),  Tirki (bird) and Topo (bird).  The Asur have three economic and territorial endogamous subgroups,  namely Soika,  Birjhias and Jair Asur.  At present,  this segmentation is  considerably weak. They have a set of exogamous totemic clans (gotar),  namely Aiyen,  Minj, Mendhak, etc.  Earlier they used Mahato as their surname, but it has now been replaced by the name of the community.

                                                        Child marriage has given way to adult marriage.  They choose their mates through negotiation,  mutual consent, by exchange  (golat),  elopement (daku)  and service  (ghar  jamai).  Usually they are monogamous, though cases of polygyny are also found.  Marriage with the elder brother’s widow  (devar –bouji biya) and the late wife’s  younger sister (Sali biya) is permissible.  A vermilion mark on the forehead is the symbol of marriage for women but it is not strictly observed.  They pay bride price  (dali paisa).  The post-marital residence is patrilocal.  Divorce is permitted an d remarriage  (sagai) is allowed.  Property is divided among the sons but the eldest son gets a larger share  (jethang).  He also succeeds to the right of performing  ancestor worship.  Birth pollution is observed for nine days and ends with a rite called chhotti.  The  first cereal-feeding ritual (mujhuthi) is held when the baby is five or six months old.  Marriage rituals are solemnized by the village priest  (pahan).  The dead are buried and pollution  (chhut) is observed  for ten days.  A community feast is hosted on the last day.

                                                   These iron smelters were also once engaged in hunting,  gathering and shifting cultivation.  According to the 1981 census,  41.98 per cent of them are returned as workers.  Of them, only  2.23 per cent are now engaged in the household industry, i.e.  their traditional occupation of iron smelting.  They have now switched over to cultivation.  Most of them  (91.19 per cent) are engaged in t he primary sector of the economy  (75.67 per cent cultivators  and 15.52 per cent agricultural labourers ).  The remaining 6.58 per cent are engaged in various other occupations.  These days  very few of  the Asur are engaged in ironsmithy.  Agriculture has become their principal means of subsistence.  They also work petty businessmen. They have their own community council (jati panch) where their socio-economic disputes are settled.

                                              The Asur propitiate the Sing Bonga, Marang Bonga and certain other deities and observe festivals such as  Sarhul, Sohrai, Holi Karma and Kharwaj.  Some of them have embraced Christianity though they still retain some  pre-conversion practices.  Their priest  (pahan) is either from their  own community  or from the Kharwar,  Birjia or some other community.   The 1981 census records 48.05 per cent of the Asur as followers of Hinduism,  16.05 per cent as Christains,  4.78 per cent as Buddhists, only one person as a Muslim and  0.13 per cent as not having stated their religion.  There  has been a significant revival of tribal religion which is attested to by  30.98 per cent of the community being returned under  ‘other religions’ .  An analysis of the 1961-1981 census returns show  that the persons who follow Hinduism are on the decline, i. e. from 71.18 per cent in 1961 to 68 per cent  in 1971, and further down to  48.05 per cent in 1981.  The number of persons who followed their own tribal religion decreased from  18.39 per cent in 1961 to 17.67 per cent in 1971, but showed  a steep increase in  1981 when  30.98 per cent   were returned  under  ‘other religions’.  There were 10.43 per cent Christians among them in  1961; they increased to 14.33 per cent in 1971; and to 1605 per cent in 1981.  They have own oral traditions.  Both men and women participate in dances accompanied by percussion instruments.

                                           The Asur acceptfood from the Rajput, Oraon, Kharwar, Thakur, Ghasi and some others.  Putative kinship ties like karam dair and sahiya are maintained with the Kharwar, Munda and other neighbours.  They share all public place with their neighbours,   except the burial place.

                                          According to the  1981 census, the literacy rate among them is 10.66 per cent which is lower than the general literacy rate of the scheduled tribes of the state  (16.99 per cent).  The literacy rate among the females  is as low as 3.59 per cent compared to that among the males which is  17.66 per cent .  They prefer to use traditional herbal medicines except in critical cases.  Family planning programmes are not too popular.  They fetch drinking schemes and the old age pension scheme and many among them have availed of these facilities.  They use kerosene oil and wood as fuel.  The cultivators among them use both organic and inorganic manures.  The Asur avail of the CWS and the  PDS.

                                        The Asur are also distributed in West Bengal. They were taken to West Bengal by the British to work as labourers in tea  plantations.  According to the 1981 census, their population in the state is 4286.  They have retained their mother tongue, but have also learnt to speak in Bengali.  Their social organization has undergone some significant changes; for instance, bride price is being replaced by dowry and they now prefer to cremate the dead.  A significant change has taken place in their economic life. The Asur of West Bengal are either tea plantation labourers or landowning cultivators.  This is also evident from the 1981 census returns which shows that out of their total population, 43.23 per cent workers  (53.55 per cent male and 32.36 per cent females).  A majority of them, i.e.  56.72 per cent are returned under plantation, forestry, etc. while 15.65 per cent cultivators and 13.6 per cent are agricultural labourers.  Those engaged in the household  industry are 5.88 per cent and the remaining 8.15 per cent are engaged in other services.  The 1981 census records 81.81 per cent of the Asur as followers of Hinduism, 15.6 per cent as Buddhists,  and 2.5 per cent as in recent years.  In West Bengal, 14.21 per cent of them are literate  (16.59 per cent males and 11.70 per cent females).  They have derived very little benefit from the different development schemes but they are covered by the PDS.

                                         In Madhya  Pradesh, the Asur are concentrated in the Jashpur area of Raigarh district.  Their separate population figure is not available as they are grouped with the Gond.  There they use Ram as their surname.  Child marriage and marrying more than one wife are common among them.  They bury as well as cremate the dead.  Most of the Asur villages are situated on hilltops amidst the forests.  They derive their livelihood from shifting as well as sedentary cultivation, collection of forest products, ironsmithy and by working as labourers.  Only a few of the children  go to  school.  There has been no marked impact of the different welfare  schemes on their lives.

HARTOG COMMITTEE

हर्टोग  समिति       (THE HARTOG COMMITTEE 1929)

           -शिक्षित लोगो की संख्या बढ़ने से अनिवार्य रूप से ही शिक्षा स्तर मे कमी आई ! शेक्षणिक पद्धति के प्रति असंतोष बढ़ा ! 1929 मे भारतीय परिनियत आयोग(Indian statutory commission) ने सर फिलिप हर्टोग (sir fhilip hartog) की अध्यक्षता मे एक सहायक समिति (auxiliary committee) नियुक्त की जिसे शिक्षा के विकास पर रिपोर्ट देने को कहा गया ! इस समिति की उत्पत्तिया (findings) निम्नलिखित थी ----

1.इसने प्राथमिक शिक्षा के राष्ट्रीय महत्त्व पर बल दिया परंतु शीघ्र प्रसार अथवा अनिवार्यता की निंदा की ! सुधार और एकीकरण (improvement and consolidation) की नीति की सिफारिश की !

2.मध्यमिक शिक्षा के विषय मे कहा गया की इसमे मेट्रिक(matriculation) परीक्षा पर ही बल है ! बहुत से अनुचित विद्यार्थी इसको विश्वविद्यालय शिक्षा का मार्ग समझते है ! इसने सिफारिश की कि ग्रामीण प्रवृति(rural pursuits) के विद्यार्थीयो को वर्नाकुलर मिडिल स्कूल(vernacular middle school) स्तर पर ही रोका जाए और कॉलेज प्रवेशों पर रोक लगाई जाए !उन्हे व्यावसायिक और औद्योगिक शिक्षा दी जाए !

3. विश्वविद्यालय शिक्षा की दुर्बलताओ की ओर ध्यान आकर्षित किया गया और विवेकहीन प्रवेशों की आलोचना की गई जिससे स्तर गिरते है ! यह सुझाव दिया गया कि विश्वविद्यालय शिक्षा को सुधारने का पूर्ण प्रयत्न किया जाए और विश्वविद्यालय अपने कर्तव्य तकही अपने आप को सीमित रखे और जो विद्यार्थी उच्च शिक्षा प्राप्त करने योग्य है, उन्हे अच्छी और उच्च शिक्षा दी जाए !

                       -संजीव कुमार पटना विश्वविद्यालय !

DOM

THE DOM/DUM/DOMB/DUMAR/DOOM

                                                              The DOMS of the Patna region are known as Maghaiya Doms . In other areas , they also called Bansamalik , meaning the bamboo workers in some parts of Bihar people call them Bhangis.

In the district at aptna the Doms are found in urban and rural areas. In the town of Barch , mokamah , Bakhtiarpur, Fatuha and Patna they are distributed in small settlements by the side of the ganga and around the  samsanghats

            They spesk magahi theycan also communicate in hindi.

                                                            Their diet includes rice ata , pulses and vegetables . A Nonvegetarian dish is eaten occasionally. Fruits and milk their food. Locally brewed liour is  consumed.

            The doms are at the lowest rung of caste hierarehy. They are subdivided into the bansphors, the bansamalik or maghaiyas and the leaders the bansphors pursue their  traditional occupation of making basket out of bamboo. Their occupation is comparatively cleaner than that of the other groups of doms theirfore they are ranked the highest among the doms. The bansphors never work has public executioners.  The meghaiya doms  are ranked next traditionally they are public executioners besides they make baskets out of bamboo. The leaders are ranked the lowest they are traditionally scavangers engaged in cleaning and carring night soil even the doms consider this to be the uncleanest profession.

            All the doms mentioned above are endo gamous groups at times the rules of endogamy are violated though the bansphors are considerd to be untouchables by the others they them selves look down upon the maghaiya and leaders doms for their uncleaned occupation the meghaiya doms consider the leaders to be the uncleanest and spire to be treated at par with the bansphors.

            Generally the bansphors and maghaiya doms do not mary their daughters to the leader boys. But the marriage of a leader girl to a bansphore or a meghaiya domes boy is accepted .

            Girls are married at the age of 14 or 15 years, and the boys between 19 and 20 years. These day an increased in marriage age has been noticed normally marriages are settled through negotiationas, but there have been case of love marriages  also.

            The system of dahej exists. A dowry is taken to meet the exponses of baja (band party) batty (lighting) and fue dhotis and sarees. In  some case untensils, a ring, a wrist – watch and case of Rs. 500/- to 1000/- or even more may be taken as dowry. The evil of dowery has been increasing.

            Residence is patrilocal divorce is permissible extra marital relations frequent visits to the parental home and neglect of household responsibilities by a married women are the main reasons for divorce.

            A man or women can remarry of their spouse dies. Extended and nuclear families are common among the doms. Husband and wife avoid meating and talking to each other in the presence of elders.

            Property is inherited by the sons after the death of the father the eldest son becomes the custodian rather than the owner of property if the property has to be divided for some reason, it is divided equally among all the sons, if the person does not have a sons of his own the property inherited equally by his brother’s sons.

            The women are consulted by their husband on social, economy and religious matters there suggestions are considered, but the final dicision is taken by men.

            When a child is born sweets are distributed among the near and dear once. The chhati- chila ceremony is observed on the 15^th day of birth the mother remains confined within the house until chhati. She comes out of the house on the 15^th day purifies herself by taking a bath in the ganga she relatives attend the small feast hosted by the family on this occasion and bless the new – born with present of khilona (toys) angiatopi (cap) or bala (bangle).

            Marriage is celebrated with great pomp and show. A part from their own community people from the others communidies are male for the Vishnu or such bhojan (vegetarians) pure food for the Brahmans, Rajput, Banias, etc.

            The ritual of Gaona is performed within one or three year after marriage. The bride is sent to her husbands house to start her own conjugal family life . a married women normally goes to her present’s house for the first delivery, called pani-paana which means giving birth to a child.

            In the event of death in a family the dasakarma is performed on the tenth day. The hria-karam or sradh is performed on the thirteenth day. Besides their traditional occupation the Doms also work as wagelabourers. Some of them rear, pigs, some have become rickshaw- puller in urban areas. Most of them are employed in the municipal corporation, hospitals and other government departments, as sweepers jamadars or supervisor. A few are also employed as clerks. Bamboo products like winnowing fans, baskets and mats, charcoal extracted from funeral pits and pigs are sold in the market.

            Jajmani relationship. Have not been Reported in urban areas.there are no traditional or modern statutory councils or regional associations among the Doms of patna. The patna Nagar Nigam Karamchari (an organization of employees of the municipal corporation) sangh and the Horizon. Utthan parishad (an organization of the Horizon communities as whole) mediate, when disputes arise among them.

            A temporary panchayat of elders is formed to deal with problems and diputes at the local level after wards, the panchayat is dissolved. In case of minor diputes, the parties are brought before the panchayat for confession. In the cases of strained marital relations of dovorce the guilty person  asked to repay the amount spent by the other party during the marriage. If there is conflict between two persons and one is injured by the other the expenses of treatment are paid by the offender.

The Bhagats or magicians are feared and at the same time called by the doms for good evil purpose. If a bhagat inflicts evilmagic on someone, and  is decected by another bhagat the concerned bhagat is beaten severely at the instruction of the panchayat .

            Hinduism is the only religion which the Doms  profess Ram Gossain is their ghar – deota (familydeity) or kandani deota the gorayathan is the sacred abode of their village deity . The ganga maiya or the holy ganges is goddess for the Doms . she is propitiated on every occasion

            Ancestors , particularly dead parents are worshipped. The kaliji mandir and the  patandevi mandir in patna are recognized as sacred centres the doms visit Babadham at deoghar the Hariharnath temple at sonepur and supan Baba temple in Burdwan.

            A pandit is called during religious ceemoniees But the family deities are worshipped with out the assistance of any pandit chhat . Dasshera , Hariharnath mela ,Diwali Holi , Ramnavami and sawani puja are the major festivals abserved by the doms For performing the rituals of chatti chila and name giving , they seek the sevices of a pandit they make cash payments. A pandit is engaged during marriages and maruisanskar or sradh , to perform the rites. During religious ceremonies , Such as the worship of Devi – mai the services of a pandit are needed at the cremation ground the Rajputs, Banias,Hajam and other communities , dependon them for the materials .needed for performing the funeral rites.

            They have received some education in the school run by the Government and the Christian missions for medical treatment they go to the missionary hospital at Kurji or to the patna medical college hospital.

KHARWAR NEW

  KHARWAR     

  They are different from the revivalistic religious group bearing the same name among  the Santals.  According to Prasad (1961) the  Kharwar once resided in the Sone valley.  Their legend states that they came to Palamau from Khari Jhar, and hence came to be known as Kharwar (Sunder, 1989).  In Bihar, they are distributed in the hilly and forest regions as well as in the plains of the Ranchi, Gumla, Lohardaga, Palamau and Hazaribag districts.  Their population in Bihar is 222,758 (1981 census).  Sadri, an Indo-Aryan language is spoken at home and Hindi with others.  The Devanagari script is used by them.  According to Sarkar (1942), ABO blood group data from Palamau, indicates a very high incidence of gene B (39 per cent) even exceeding that of gene O (38 per cent)  among them.  They are non-vegetarians and relish pork but abstain from eating beef.  However, pork is taboo for the Daulatbandi Chhatri section.  Their staple diet comprises rice and wheat and is supplemented by various lacally available pulses, vegetables, roots and tubers.  They use sarguja and mustard oil as cooking media.  Among the alcoholic drinks, rice beer (haria) is the most popular.  They also drink distilled liquor.

                                                          The Kharwar have six endogamous groups, which are Surajbansi, Daulatbandi, Parbandi, Kheri (Cherokharwar),  Bhogti or Ganju and Manjhia.  These groups are again divided into a number of exogamous totemic clans  (kili) like Nag, Aiyen , Karketta, etc.  They use Singh and Karketta as surnames.  Crooke (1896) reports Surajbandhi, Patbandhi, Benbansi and Khairaha subdivisions among the Kharwar of Mirzapur and Allahabad.  Their exogamous subdivisions are Dualbandhi,  Patbandhi, Surajbansi,  Bhogta/Bhugta,  Kharcurwa,  Chik-chikwa and Pradhan.  Risley (1891)  records Bania, Bar (totemic),  Bahera, Bair Bamnia,  Bandhia and a few more septs among the Kharwar of Chota Nagpur.  He reports that in Palamau, the Kharwar have Patbandh, Daulbandh and Khairi subtries, whereas in southern Lohardaga,  the community has Deshwari-Kharwar,  Bhogta,  Rout and  Munjhia subtribes.  They consider themselves as Kshatriya,  often identify themselves as Attarah  Hazari and claim descent from the Surajbansi Rajput.  Monogamy is the general form of marriage and the earlier practice of polygyny is now being discouraged.  Adult marriage has replaced child marriage.  They acquire spouses through negotiation, ex-change,  courtship and intrusion.  Vermilion and glass bangles are the symbols for a married women.  Customarily,  they have to pay bride price (dalipaisa).  Post-marital residence is patrilocal.  Divorce is allowed with social approval and compensation is paid to the aggrieved party.  Remarriage is allowed for both men and women. A widower may marry his late wife’s younger sister and a widow is allowed to marry her late husband’s younger brother.  The Kharwar live in both nuclear and extended families.  Parental property is divided among the sons equally, with the exception that the  eldest son gets an extra share.  The  women  carry out various domestic chores as well as other socio-economic pursuits and contribute towards family income.  In a Kharwar household, birth pollution lasts for six days. Brahman priests conduct their marriage rituals.  They cremate or bury the dead and observe death pollution for ten days.  On the twelfth day, a community feast is hosted.

                                                               Settled cultivation is the primary occupation of the Kharwar, being supplemented by hunting,  gathering, wage labour, business and service.  According to the 1981 census, 37.74 per cent among them are returned as workers.  (61.93 per cent males and 12.63 per centfemales).  Of them,  56.67 per cent are cultivators, 25.46 per cent agricultural labourers,  1.05 per cent are engaged in livestock, forestry, hunting, etc. and the remaining 16.82 per cent in various other occupations.  They have their own village council,  baithki, and inter-village council, chata, to deal with the intracommunity socio-economic disputes.

                                                         Their priest  (baiga),  is either from the Munda or from their own community.  He  officiates over Sarhul and Karma rituals, and protects the people from evil spirits.  For  officiating over the rest of their rituals, they are dependent on the  Brahman priests.  The 1981 census returns 99.45 per cent of the Kharwar as followers of Hinduism,  0.12 per cent as Christians,  0.06 per cent as Muslims, 0.03 per cent as Jains,  0.31 per cent profess other religions and 0.03 per cent have not stated their religion.  The 1971 census returns show that during the period the percentage of the Hindus was 98.37 and that of those who followed the traditional tribal religio was 1.38.  The Kharwar oral tradition suggests that they were a militant group.  Both men and women participate in their dance performances to the accompaniment of percussion instruments.

                                                            Their life cycle rituals are performed with the help of the Brahman, Nai,  Thakur and Ghasi or Lohar.  They have commensal relationship with the Munda and Oraon, but not with the Ghasi or Lohar.  The Kharwar share sources of drinking water and other public places with their neighbous.  Patron-client relations are maintained with the Brahman,  Dhobi and Thakur.  The Kharwar have made moderate progress in the field of education.  Their  literacy rate in Bihar is 17.22 per cent (1981 census).  The males have achieved a literacy rate of 28.70 per cent while the females are lagging behind at 5.31 per cent.  Boys usually study upto the secondary school level and the girls only upto the primary school level.  They use both indigenous and modern systems of medicine.  A few among them have been granted loans by governmental agencies to strengthen their economy.  Some have received old age pensions.  Their children are served midday-meals at schools.  They are served by the public distribution system, but not very regularly.  In times of monetary crises,  the people depend on local money lenders.  In the 1930s,  the Kharwar of Bihar joined the Forest Satyagraha Movement for the restoration of tribal customary rights to extract timber and collect forest produce for consumption.  However, after Independence,  the forest was vested in the government.  Under the leadership of Fetal Singh,  a Kharwar, the same demands were raised again.  In the 1950s the Bhagat party was formed and an independent government was reportedly established for the purpose.

                                                                   In West Bengal, the Kharwar are distributed in the Malda district.  Risley writes that the Kharwar of Bengal have the titles of Bhakat, Bhogta,  Das,  Gaunju,  Kapri,  Mahto,  Mandar,  Manjhi,  Ohdar,  Panjiara and Pradhan.  He recorded many septs among them.*  Their total population is 11,726 (1981 census).  Khotta, an Indo-Aryan language, is said to be their mother tongue and they are conversant with the regional language Bengali.  These people use the Bengali script for written communication.  Some of them are employed in government and other organized sectors. According to the 1981 census, out of their total population, workers are 33.11 per cent (49.32 per cent males and 16.46 per cent females).  Of them,  36.18 per cent are returned as agricultural labourers,  26.29 per cent as cultivatiors and 25.88 per cnet are engaged  rearing livestock,  forestry, hunting, etc.  The remaining 11.65 per cent workers are engaged in other services.  They have their traditional community council headed by a morol, which is a hereditary post.  The morol also functions as an ex-officio member in the heterogenous village council.  They records 97.45 per cent of the Kharwar as followers of Hinduism, 1.85 per cent as Christians,  0.12 per cent as Sikhs, 0.03 per cent as Muslims and 0.55 per cent follow ‘other religions’.  The 1961 and 1971 census returns recorded 100 per cent of them as followers of Hinduism.  According to the 1981 census,  literacy rate among them is 18.40 per cnet.  The male and female literacy rates arfe 28.66 per cent and 7.85 per cnet,  respectively.

                                                                 In Orissa, the Kharwar are also known as Lulukidihi, who number 1429 persons  (1681 census), and are concentrated in the Sundergarh district.  Apart from their mother tongue,  Sadri, they  also  converse in the regional language Oriya  and use the Oriya script for writing.  Some of their clan names are Nag, Kachchap,  P)arasai, etc.  Majhi,  Khandohar and Roy are their  surnames.  An important ceremony related to marriage is panbhanga, when the bride price is fixed upon.  They observe pollution for twenty-one days after childbirth.  Their present primary occupation is agriculture.  Cattle rearing and labour are their other occupations.  According to the 1981 census,  36.92 per cent of them  (55.24 per cent males and 19.12 per cnet females ) are returned as workers.  Of them,  40.08 per cent are cultivators and 19.09 per cent are agricultural labourers.  The remaining 12.29 per cent are engaged in the household industry,  11.34 per cent in mining  and quarrying and 2.65 per cent in rearing liovestock,  collection of forest produce, community council is headed by a sabhapti, to whom the intracommunitydisputes arfe referred.  The 1981 census records 82.98 per cent of the Kharwar as followers of Hinduism  and 17.02 per cent as Christians.  The 1971 census returns 99.91 per cent  of them as Hindus and 0.09 per cent as Christians.  This shows that the Hindu population among them is on the decline and that of Christians is on the increase.  Their literacy rate,  according to the 1981 census, is 24.21 per cent (the male literacy is 36.54 per cnet and the  female literacy rate is 12.17 per cent).  Their attitude towards family plan-ning programmes is favourable.  They draw drinking water from tubewells.  Some of them have received economic assistance under the Integrated Rural Development Programme.

                                                                                                                            -sanjeev kumar(research scholar)patna university

HALALKHOR

THE HALALKHOR

The Halalkhors are a community of Muslim sweepers. They are also musicians. Their synonyms are mehtar, Bhangi and Halalbegi. They are found through tout the state of BIHAR. There are about 400 members of this community in the RANCHI district it is interesting to note that they are always located near the town. The speak in Urdu but they are also fluent is Sadri and Hindi. They are the Arabic script for communicating with the Muslims, but use Roman and Devanagari script for writing to non – Muslims.

            They are nonvegetarians and eat beef regularly their staple food is rice , wheat , and Rules  such as Arhar Moong , Masur and Kurthi . They use mustard oil as a cooking medium they also consume loeally available seasonal fruits and vegetables .They consume alcoholic drinks, procured from the market

            There one this regulates their material alliance. The Halalkhors are sunnis. They are an endogamous sact among the Muslim; they are ranked low because of their unclean occupation .The marriageable age for a girl varies between 12 and 16 years and for a boy, between 20 and 22 years. Cross - Cousin Marriage parallel Cousin Marriage (excepted among the children of the some mother who offers her breast milk) Nikah (widowmarriage) a love marriage (in rare cases), levirate, sororate (funior) golat (marriage by intrusion) are practiced by them shadi (marriage by negotiation) is comman. Dahej (dowry) is prevalent among them. Before a marriage ceremony there is an agreement between the bride and the bridegroom’s party regarding the amount of den mehar which would be given to the bride in her life time the den Mehar is not given to abride in case of talak (divorce) In case of a widow – remarriage, if the bride has any children, the Question of who would be the custodian of children is decided by the panch they have nuclear and extended families their interitance pattern is as per the Islamic law.

            Their women are engaged as sweeper in the ranch municipal corporation. Their earnings from a part of the family income Pollution (chhut) lasts for 7 days after children on the seventh day, the Nai comes and purifies the new born and the mother by paring off their nails, after the pochha the maulavi reads the milad Sharif, katha after 2 or 3 months the new born is named in consultation with the Maulavi. The Sunnat (circumcision) of a male child is done at an early age in the presence of a Hajam. The marriage (Nikahis Solemnized by the maulvi) . A panchayat is held before the marriage in the bride’s house to finalize the agreement it is followed by salami which involves a token visit and soone gifts from the bride’s house.

            The dead are buried as per Islamic rituals. The eldest son is the First person to put soil on the dead body they do not observed a post death pollution period.

            Their traditional occupations Include sweeping and scavenging. Working as wage laborers and beating the drum or playing some musical instrument in the band are their Subsidiary occupations some of them now are band masters and they charge between Rs. 700/- and Rs. 1500/- for a marriage or  for my other festive oceaion for four months in a year they can earn from this profession  they are also engaged  as rickshaw pullers or motor car mechanics those who are skilled are employed in H .E .C Ranchi as peons and sweepers in the Ranchi medical college in the municipal corporation or the A G’s office in Ranchi some of them sell fish . No child labourers or bonded labourers have been reported among them these days they are keen on giving up their traditional occupation and adopting other gainful occupations they have their own anjuman panchayat. The headman and other members of the panchayat are elected if one is not satisfied with the verdict of the panchayat he moves to the chourasi which consists of 3 to 4 districts. The verdict of such panch is final.

         Their sacred centers are located in Ajmer, Mecca and medina, some of them have visited the dargah at Ajmer sharif.There is a mosque in their locality where they real the namaj at least on Friday

In the economic sphere they have a close relationship with the Hindus and Muslims who hire them for playing the band during their socio – religious

Functions. The literacy rate among them is poor though they live in the towns which have educational apathy about female education . They do not prefer family planning measures. For driking water they are dependent on tap water supplied to them by the municipality. None of them gets any facility under the IRDP Scheme most of Thom are an ware of the various developmental Scheme almost all the families possess a radio a tape recorder a watch and a T.V They have electricity in their houses. They use get ration at controlled rates once a month. They take loan from the banks for the purchase of instruments and dresses for their band party.

SUSTAINABLE LIFESTYLES

                                         निर्वहनीय जीवनशेली की  आवश्यकता              (THE NEED FOR SUSTAINABLE LIFESTYLES)

               :पृथ्वी पर मानव जीवन की और पारितंत्रो गुणवत्ता संसाधनों के निर्वहनीय उपयोग के सूचक है! मानव की निर्वहनीय जीवनशेली के कुछ स्पष्ट सूचक इस प्रकार है ----

-   जीवनकाल मे वृद्धि

-   ज्ञान मे वृद्धि

-   आय मे वृद्धि

इन तीनों को मिलाकर ‘मानव विकास सूचकांक’ (HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX) कहा जाता है! पारितंत्र की गुणवत्ता के सूचको को मापना अधिक कठिन है ! ये है :

-   स्थिर जनसंख्या

-   जेव-विविधता की दीर्घकालिक सुरक्षा

-   प्राकृतिक संसाधनों का सावधानी के साथ दीर्घ काल तक उपयोग

-   पर्यावरण के ह्रास और प्रदूषण को रोकना !

THE NAT MUSLIM (SCHEDULED CASTE)

The nat (Muslim)

          The Nats are also of Islamic faith. Many of them are semi-nomadic and hence, move with their families from place to place. Some are settled in village and are engaged in cultivation. They are identified at the regional level. Ethnographic and historical accounts exist. Which are found true. The nats, who are nomadic, are mainly engaged in tatooing begging, killings birds, rope-dancing conducting shows of mokey and cattle business, etc. Hunter writes that "they are jugglers, fortune tellers, rope dancers, beggars, wanderers and bird killers." (Reprint 1974 vol. IX 46). They have migrated to the present habital. The distribution of the community is found in the districts of Madhubani, Darbhunga, Samastipur and Patna. They speak Urdu and Maithili and use Arabic script, within the family and Kin graps. They speak Maithili, Hindi and Urdu and use Devanagari and Arabic scripts with others. Most of the females have tatoo makes on the arms and around the necks. They are classified as OBC.

          Their vegetable consumption is moderate. They are regular non-vegetarians and take beef occasionally rice, wheat, maize and pulses, namely gram, tur moong, masur and khesari are also consumed. They eat roots and tubers namely aluah/kands and suthani.

          Social division found in the community is based on lineage. Differentiation is found at social level. Mangta is used as surname. Self-perception of the community as well as the perception of other communities is the same, they are placed at a low level.

          Generally endogamy is practised at the community level. Marriages with parallel consins are avoided. Mate is acquired by negotition. Marriage is solemnised at the bridegroom's place. Presently adult marriage is in vogue. The age at marriage for boys ranges between 18 and 20 and for girls between 15 and 18 years respectively. Generally, married women wear nose stud/pin and put vermilion mark on the forehead. Dowry is given in kind and cash. Mehar is promised but it may or may not be paid at the time of marriage. Residence after marriage is partrilocal. Divorce is permissible to both husbands and wives and maintenance is given to the wife up to the period of iddats as per Islamic custom. Either party can ask for divorce. Children are the liability of the father in the cases of divorce but infant children stay with the mother. Remarriage of window, windower male one female divorces is permitted. Nikah is conducted by the Kazi at the bride's place.

          Pre-delivery ritual and restrictions are observed. Generally delivery takes place at home and a dhai or chamain (midwife) is called to attend, after childbirth, chhatti is celebrated on the sixth day. Post delivery restriction and pollution are observed for 40 days by some women. Presently, mainly in Urban areas, the pregnant women are3 hospitalised for delivery when labour pain starts. Sometimes, a trained nurse is called in the house for the said purpose. Nuclear type of the family is very common. Rules of inheritance and succession are guided by the Islamic laws herein a daughter gets less than her brother from the property of the deceased father. In the event of father's death, the eldest son acts as the head of the family.

          Aquiqa is celebrated between the ages of two and four years. Khanta/sunnat (circumcision) on the male child is performed by a Muslim barber.

          The dead body is washed wrapped in a new cloth and carried to the burial ground. Where it is buried. No pollution period after death-related Islamic ceremonies namely chaharram on the fourth day and chalisa on the fortieth day are performed.

          The group under study are engaged in cattle business and bird killing, while their females do tattooing and sometimes beg. Women from lower income group families are engaged in economically gainful activities and contributed to family income. Some persons are cultivators and possess a small area of land most of them are landless child labourers exists. Some have found employment in private services and some are self employed sometimes, they get gifts in cash and kind from the mosque. They have direct link with markets and cash is the medium of exchange. Traditional caste councils exists for social control along with the statutory village panchayat. They follow Islam and have affiliation to pirs and offer prayers in mosques and at mazars. Fakir is summoned for curing of ailment and removal of evil spirits.

          Folk songs are sung by men and women. They have folk tales and folklores also musical instruments used by them are dholak (percussion) basuri (flute) and harmonium (valve).

          Inter-community linkage is found with the local artisans and service communities, water and pucca food are accepted from all the Muslim communities. They exchange sidha from other castes. They share wells other water-resources, burial ground and religious shrines with other members of the community. They participate in traditional Islamic festivals like Id-ul-zuha, shabebarat, Id-ul-fitar, Muharram etc. many also enjoy festivals of Hindu, such as Holi, the festival of colours.

          They are not very keen to given education to boys and girls. Boys hardly study up to secondary level. They use indigenous and modern medicare systems and do not adopt family planning measures. They prefer up to four children. Drinking water is available in the locality throught tubewell and dug-wells. They listen to radia.

          Visit cinema, and receive information through extension agencies. They use fire wood, cowdung cakes, saw-dust and kerosene as fuel. Midday meal facility is not utilised by them as very few-children study. Ration is received through a fair-price shop.

References

          The Nat (Muslim) by S.N. Mahato in people of India, Bihar including Jharkhand, Vol-XVI, Part-2 K.S. Singh (General Editor), Surendra Gopal, HETUKAR JHA, (editors) anthropological survey of India, Seagull Books Calcutta 2008 Page No. (726-728).